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USAfrica: Igbo Farm Village in America marks 1st anniversary; Q&A wt Prof. Akuma-Kalu Njoku



Igbo Farm Village in America marks 1st anniversary this weekend in Virginia; plus, USAfrica Q&A wt Prof. Akuma-Kalu Njoku.

By Chido Nwangwu.

Special to USAfrica multimedia networks, Houston,, the IgboEvents e-group powered by USAfrica

J. Akuma-Kalu Njoku, Ph.D., a diligent and soft-spoken man, is a Professor of Folklore Studies and Anthropology. In many ways, Prof. Njoku’s intimate insights and unique knowledge of Igbo ethno-folkflores and tradition –especially the historical foundations and sites of the Arochukwu/Ohafia/Bende region of the Igbo nation, have set him part, in my view, as the major resource on pre-colonial Igbo life, the slave trade and folklores of south eastern Nigeria. I met Prof. Njoku, born on June 16, 1946, for the first time during his research work on the Arochukwu heritage in 2006 in Houston, Texas.

He is an associate Professor at the Western Kentucky University in Bowling Green, Kentucky. He recently established the West African Cultural Heritage Education and Training (WACHET) Institute in Bowling Green. The following are excerpts from my September 15, 2011 exclusive interview with him for USAfrica and CLASSmagazine on the Igbo Farm Village project in Staunton in Virginia, which he has championed.

(USAfrica does not Authorize the wholesale copying/archiving of this report on any other site/web/publication. Linking to it, with proper attribution, is permitted).

Chido Nwangwu/USAfrica: Congratulations for your dedication and work on the Igbo Farm Village in Staunton, Virginia. On this first anniversary of the Igbo Farm Village this weekend of September 17, 2011, may I respectfully ask that you share with the readers of USAfrica, and IgboEvents  the major significance of this historic project?

Njoku: Thank you very much for this opportunity to share with your broad readership the joy and excitement I feel about the first anniversary of the Igbo Farm Village at Staunton, Virginia.  The Igbo Farm Village, it is important to mention, is a part of the American Frontier Culture Museum of Virginia established to acknowledge the contributions of the Old World cultures to the development of the American frontier culture, which began from Virginia.

The American Frontier Culture Museum had already constructed four other farmsteads (in Igbo, that will translate to Ulo Ubi)—the English Farm, the Irish Farm, the German Farm, and a Colonial American Farm—before building the Igbo Farm Village.  Therefore, the Igbo Farm Farm Village is a tangible recognition of the African (especially those from West Africa) who, though forced to migrate to the New World, helped to build, prosper, and populate what is now known as the United States of America starting from the 1700s.  That, in a nutshell, is the historical significance of the Igbo Farm Village.

What does it mean for the  youth of the Igbo nation, and the African-American communities?

The early days of work at the Igbo Farm Village saw the arrival of the first volunteers, a group of Igbo men from the Washington, D.C. area.  As the project progressed, the number of volunteers and the level of their support and enthusiasm increased rapidly. The Museum hosted groups of volunteers from the Igbo communities in Chicago; Nashville; Bowling Green, Kentucky; Washington, D.C. and New Jersey. Individuals from cities without large numbers of Igbo residents also came from virtually all over the country. Many came with their children and young adults to volunteer in the construction. Now to Participating in the construction of the Igbo Farm Village provided the Igbo and African American youth a once in lifetime opportunity to get a firsthand experience in the techniques of Igbo traditional architecture. They helped to puddle and knead mud, built adobe walls, helped to smoothen the walls, and indoor mud seats. They also watched their parents construct wooden frames for the thatched roofs. While many were engaged in such activities, others were roasting either yams or corns, or cooking soup and making foo foo and, and in the evenings, occasionally playing moonlit night games.

I do believe that the learning and growth that have come from these firsthand experiences and from the summer cultural immersion classes and weekend institutes that I run in the Igbo Farm Village mean a great deal to Igbo youth and to other peoples of African descent.

In terms of replicating the fundamentals of a typical Igbo village, give anyone who has not visited a picturesque profile.

There are four raffia palm thatched houses enclosed in a semi-circle mud fence also thatched. The first house you see as you enter the Ulo Ubi Igbo (Igbo Farm Village) is the Obi.  Directly behind the Obi are the other three houses—a man’s house flanked by two mkpuke (female) houses; those of his two wives. There are, in addition, two outdoor shelters one for cooking / frying (say gari) or processing oil-palm produce, the other a goat shed. There is a space for a yam-barn right behind the man’s house.  You know what? Next summer, in anticipation of the Iwa / Ike Ji (Yam Harvest Festival) scheduled precisely for Saturday, September 15, 2012, we shall raise the yam barn.

About 50 days ago, I spoke with Eric Bryan, the Assistant director of the Frontier Culture Museum Foundation. He, in fact, went to Igbo land in Nigeria, as part of the effort to make the best of this village. How would you assess the roles of the Museum and the Virginia communities in making the village a worthy reality?

Yes, I went with Eric Bryan and another Museum staff, Ray Wright to Nigeria.  Eric is the administrative brain behind what is going on in the Igbo Farm Village initiative.  He understands the vision and strategic plans of the project more than any other person. Regarding the role that Museum has played in making the village a worthy reality, what comes first to mind is that Museum has placed the Igbo on the map the United States, which is a land of enormous ethnic diversity.  We are no longer just a homogenous Negroid. And I have no doubt on my mind that the Museum will continue to let us use the exhibit to keep our Igbo community traditions alive in the United States. Of course, the property belongs to the Commonwealth of Virginia, which means continued funding the maintenance of the structure.

USAfrica and IgboEvents networks will like to know the level and scope of funding and financial support your team and the foundation have received from the Igbo leaders/Governors and well-to-do folks from the Igbo communities across the U.S.?

Great Question! The Frontier Culture Museum has yet to get the kind of financial support that is expected of Igbo leaders / Governors.  Mr. John Avoli and I went to Nigeria to meet the Igbo Governors and stakeholders in Delta states.  I know that sometimes the political imperatives of governance in Nigeria do not allow the Igbo leaders to be the Igbo we anticipate, but I cannot begin to tell how extremely important it is for the Igbo leaders / Governors to commit funds to the Igbo Village in Staunton, VA.  The Igbo Village needs all the funding it can get, especially now that attention of the Board of Trustees and Board Directors of Frontier Culture Museum and the American Culture Foundation is shifting from the Igbo project to the Native American Farm. Some well well-to-do members of the Igbo communities in the United States have made substantial donations and sacrifices. Two of them spend their own monies traveling to Board of Trustees and Board of Directors meetings.  I do not want to mention them by names. The Frontier Culture Museum has the records—just in case.

What are your hopes and projection for the Igbo Farm village in Virginia and possibly elsewhere. What about Louisiana?

The Igbo Farm Village, being an outdoor museum exhibit provides a context very close to the Igbo cultural environment for experiencing and learning Igbo culture in America. Although my presentations at the Igbo Farm Village are Igbo-centered, I also draw from my 20 years’ experience in teaching cultural diversity in the United States to anchor them (my presentations) within the greater American multiethnic and multicultural heritage. Because the Igbo Farm Village is in the midst of English, Irish, and German Farms that also showcase Old World Cultures, there could not be a better location in the United States for achieving my goals.

What about Louisiana? Of course an Igbo Village could be built there, but it probably will not be as good as the one that is surrounded by the existence of four other farms—English, Irish, and German farmsteads. Quite frankly, I would like to see a Congo Farm Village in Louisiana.  How about building one where the Place Congo / Congo Square used to stand or at least close by that almost invisible historical marker commemorating that historic the former Congo Square.

What does this village need?

The roofs are leaking. Therefore, there is an urgent need to get fresh raffia palm mats from Igboland for fix the leaks.  It will cost far less to do this than any other alternative that has been so far considered from the United States. The Village needs traditional tools and decorative objects.  We need to decorate the walls with Uli.  The village also needs more and more Igbo communities to come and use the compound.

Tell us about your scholarship and works.Why and how did you get involved in the project?

My broad research interest is the folklore of forced historical population movements resulting from the depletion of farmlands, the Atlantic slave trade together with the issues of forced relocations and settlement patterns, and reestablishment of community traditions on both sides of the Atlantic, and genocide and war in the affairs of Ndi Igbo.  Since 1999, I have been researching and writing about the forced transatlantic journeys of the Igbo people.

Specifically, I am working on the slave journeys from the hinterland villages and towns in Igboland to Virginia and, through the Underground Railroad, to freedom in the United States. While on sabbatical and doing fieldwork in 2002, I was allowed to enter an ancient cave temple complex the Ovia Chukwu in Arochukwu which was a secret slave dealing location and a definite starting point of numerous Igbo slave journeys from the hinterland to the coastal towns of Calabar and Bonny. That isbefore the Middle Passage. In addition to the Arochukwu cave, I found cave outlets in Ututu, and another that provided safe haven for the people of Alayi and Igbere or Igbo ereghi (those who were never sold by the Aro Oke Igbo).

I presented my findings at the annual conference of the American Folklore Society in 2003, and Professor John Vlach, a distinguished American folklorist, after hearing my paper recommended me to American Frontier Culture Museum of Virginia.

At the time, the Museum was planning a West African exhibit to complement the English Farm, Irish Farm, German Farm, and the American Colonial Farm already in existence. I became a member of the advisory board and later, since 2004, the principal consultant for the Igbo Farm Village project.

Initial attempts to get builders from Igboland to construct an Igbo farm village that will be faithful to Igbo traditional architecture failed.  The American Embassy in Nigeria refused to grant them visa. I asked Reverend Dr. Maduawuchukwu Ogbonna, a member of the Igbo Studies Association and a Holy Ghost priest with a surpassing talent and practical experience in Igbo vernacular architecture to help.  Fr. Ogbonna came to our rescue.  And with the able assistance of Dr. Kanayo K. Odeluga I got in touch with Igbo hometown associations in the United States to recruit volunteers. Igbo people responded in large numbers and helped to build the farm village. Reverend Dr. Ogbonna directed the building process, and in the process, trained Museum staff and volunteers in traditional Igbo building methods and techniques.

What next for the Igbo diaspora?

Since my research has led to the construction of an Igbo Farm Village (Ulo Ubi Igbo) at the Frontier Culture Museum of Virginia and to establishment annual reconnection program for the peoples of African descent long separated by the forced transatlantic migration, it is now time to take the research one more step further.  I have self-consciously established a Freedom to Freedom Trail for pilgrimages from Virginia to Arochukwu and the greater Igboland.

It is hoped that peoples of African descent in the United States that celebrate the long journey from slavery to freedom in the month of February will be journeying from Freedom to Freedom. This will be a symbolic journey from the state of freedom won in the United States back to the state of freedom that was in Africa before the Atlantic slave trade started. The experience of this ritual quest, I can tell you from my journeying back, can be overwhelming and the story bitter.  But it will be the experience of a shared memory of pain and the truth that must be told in order to begin to make a physical reconnection with Africa—the ancestral home.  It is the truth that will help to heal the deep-seated wounds of the Atlantic slave trade and slavery on both sides of the Atlantic.

I also wish the Igbo people in the United States will help support the TICHA (Teaching Igbo Cultural Heritage Education in the Americas) Fund Drive that I will announce during the celebration of the anniversary on Saturday September 17, 2011. The TICHA fund will help me to continue proving the summer Igbo cultural immersion class and weekend institutes.  We need to continue to reacquaint with ourselves with our culture so that we can effectively pass them on to our American born children.         © copyright USAfrica 2011.                   • Dr. Chido Nwangwu, Founder & Publisher of USAfrica multimedia networks, first African-owned, U.S-based newspaper published on the internet;  recipient of several journalism and public policy awards, was recently profiled by the CNN International for his pioneering works on multimedia/news/public policy projects for Africans and Americans.

Are we Igbos or “Ibos”? by Chido Nwangwu, Dec 11, 2001.

Martin Luther King Jr: Why I believe The Prophet’s vision is valid into 21st century.                  By Chido Nwangwu.                                                                                                          

Why Chinua Achebe, the Eagle on the Iroko, is Africa’s writer of the century. By Chido Nwangwu, Publisher of USAfrica, and first African-owned, U.S-based newspaper published on the internet

Obama’s Africa agenda, our business and democracy. and CLASS magazine and The Black Business JournalAlso, see USAfrica’s October 17, 2001 special report/alert: Nigeria’s bin-Laden cheerleaders could ignite religious war, destabilize Africa. By USAfrica’s Publisher Chido Nwangwu.

310 killed by Nigeria’s ‘talibans’ in Bauchi, Yobe n Maiduguri; crises escalate.  on  July 28, 2009.

Related and prior reporting on the Jos crises on USAfrica, click here:

10 killed in renewed violence near Jos

News archives related to Jos, here

USAfrica: As Egypt’s corrupter-in-chief Mubarak slides into history’s dustbin.  By Chido Nwangwu

Tunisia, Egypt . . . Is Nigeria next? By Prof. Rosaire Ifedi
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World SOCCER SHOWDOWN: South Africa backs Morocco; U.S under pressure



Special to USAfrica [Houston]  •  •  @Chido247  @USAfricalive

“It is an old myth that Africa doesn’t have the capacity, and naysayers should stop using the political argument. Africa hosted the best Fifa World Cup ever and with good support, Morocco can emulate South Africa,” said the SAFA president Jordaan.

Johannesburg – South Africa Football Association (SAFA) president Danny Jordaan has promised Morocco that South Africa will give its unqualified support to secure another World Cup on the African continent in 2026.

Morocco is vying to stage the world’s biggest football prize against a joint bid by Canada, Mexico and the U.S.

The Moroccan delegation comprises ex-Senegal and Liverpool striker El Hadji Diouf and former Cameroonian goalkeeper Joseph-Antoine Bell.

Jordaan said it would be great for Africa to have a second bite of the World Cup cherry, adding Morocco’s bid was Africa’s bid.

Jordaan assured Morocco that he would personally lobby for the Council for Southern Africa Football Associations (Cosafa) and the rest of the continent to rally behind the Moroccans.

In his remarks, Antoine Bell said Morocco had all the ingredients to host another spectacular World Cup.

“South Africa showed the way and I am confident Morocco will follow suit. The country has international standards, from the stadiums to top infrastructure. Morocco can compete with the best in the world,” he said.

By giving Morocco its support, South Africa’s voice would make all the difference on the continent, Bell said.

“When South Africa talks on the continent, the rest of the continent listens hence it is vital for South Africa to support Morocco. South Africa has the experience and Morocco will use this experience to win the 2016 bid,” added Bell. African News Agency

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USAfrica: Catholic priest Etienne killed by militia in DR Congo, after a wedding mass



Special to USAfrica [Houston]  •  @USAfricaLIVE

Goma – A Catholic priest was found shot dead hours after he said mass in Democratic Republic of Congo’s restive North Kivu province, a member of the church told AFP.

“Father Etienne Sengiyumva was killed [on] Sunday by the Mai Mai Nyatura (militia) in Kyahemba where he had just celebrated a mass including a baptism and a wedding,” father Gonzague Nzabanita, head of the Goma diocese where the incident occurred, told AFP.

The Mai Mai Nyatura are an armed group operating in North Kivu, in eastern DRC.

Nzabanita said Sengiyumva, 38, had had lunch with local faithful before “we found him shot in the head”.

North and South Kivu provinces are in the grip of a wave of violence among militia groups, which often extort money from civilians or fight each other for control of mineral resources.

Last week unknown assailants kidnapped a Catholic priest in North Kivu, demanding $500 000 for his release.

Eastern DRC has been torn apart by more than 20 years of armed conflict, fuelled by ethnic and land disputes, competition for control of the region’s mineral resources, and rivalry between regional powers.

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USAfrica: Nigeria’s LOOTERS LIST and Buhari’s selective corruption targets. By Majeed Dahiru



PDP vs APC Looters List and Buhari’s selective corruption targets

By Majeed Dahiru

Special to USAfrica {Houston] • • @USAfricaLive


Timipriye Silva, a former governor and PDP chieftain, who became a founding member and financier of APC, had his corruption charges quashed by a federal high court and Buhari’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) failed to appeal the N19.5 billion fraud case.

More curious are the missing names of some accused looters with marital ties to Nigeria’s First and Second families. Gimba Yau Kumo, the PDP appointed former managing director of the Federal Mortgage Bank and now son-in-law of President Buhari, who was similarly accused of fraudulent activities amounting to about N3 billion and reportedly being investigated by EFCC, is missing from [Buhari’s Information Minister] Lai Mohammed’s list.

For a party that has been accused of destroying Nigeria by squandering accrued oil revenues estimated at over $500 billion in sixteen years, it is confounding that Lai’s list is not only exclusively comprised of PDP looters but also captures the last two years of PDP’s last lap in power and included just Goodluck Jonathan’s associates, who supported him against candidate Buhari, while also relating only to funds used in the last electioneering campaign of the PDP.

Whenever the obviously abysmal performance of the Muhammadu Buhari administration appears to be gaining sustained attention, and leading to murmuring within the rank and file of his supporters, a tale of humungous looting by opposition elements is usually spun and thrown into the public space to distract people away from the core issue of the failure of governance.

Like a fit of deja vu, the recently unveiled list of looters by Lai Mohammed, a fellow who comes across as more of President Muhammadu Buhari’s chief propagandist than a minister of the federal republic of Nigeria in charge of information and culture, didn’t come as a surprise. The list is all too familiar as the unveiling was a summarised rehash of politically exposed individuals who are members of the opposition party, close associates of former President Goodluck Jonathan, particularly his appointees in government, who have been named and shamed several times in well-coordinated media trials.

First on Lai’s list is Uche Secondus, the chairman of the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). Lai had this to say of Secondus: “On the 19th of February 2015, he took N200 million only from the office of the NSA”. An unidentified former financial secretary of the PDP was similarly accused of “taking” N600 million from the same office of the National Security Adviser. Lai Mohammed also re-revealed that frontline member of PDP and media mogul, who deployed his media power to promote Goodluck Jonathan by de-marketing the Buhari candidacy in the run up to 2015 presidential election, Raymond Dokpesi, is on trial for “taking” N2.1 billion from the office of the then NSA. Lai also reminded Nigerians that his shouting match and former spokesman of the PDP, Olisa Metuh is on trial for “collecting” N1.4 billion from the same office of the NSA.

Lai Mohammed’s expanded follow up list included the usual suspects – former ministers, PDP state governors, service chiefs, presidential aides, associates and family members of former President Goodluck Jonathan, who were collectively accused of looting Nigeria of close to $2.1 billion through the office of the former NSA, Col. Sambo Dasuki (rtd.).

The choice of words like “took” and “collected” deployed by Lai to describe the manner in which those named received these monies was deliberate for the maximum effect of propaganda, portraying the accused persons as looters who broke into NSA vault and catered away boxes of cash at something akin to a gun point.

While the clamp down on PDP looters who supported Goodluck Jonathan and are still members of the former ruling party has been heavy handed, others who decamped from PDP to the All Progressives Congress (APC) on the eve of the 2015 elections and supported candidate Buhari’s campaign with their share of loot have been forgiven. For example, former NSA, Sambo Dasuki is being treated as an apostate for his role in the disbursement of funds that were used to oil Goodluck Jonathan’s electioneering effort. He has been kept in detention illegally and in defiance of several judicial rulings. Judging by the Buhari administration’s anti-corruption standard of an accusation being tantamount to guilt, in clear contempt of court proceedings by the resort to the naming and shaming suspects even before investigations and criminal prosecution are concluded and convictions obtained, it becomes curious that Lai’s list didn’t reveal any new name. Rather some names were either missing or omitted from what is a familiar list. This appears so because the bulk of PDP bigwigs who “destroyed” Nigeria in sixteen years of national rule are firmly in control of the APC, from its elected national executives to the National Assembly and appointed members of the federal executive council. The majority of APC-elected governors were also former members of the PDP. Even recently decamped PDP members to APC, such as Musiliu Obanikoro and Sulivan Chime, who have been prominently named and shamed in the recent past, were conspicuously missing from the released list of looters.

More curious are the missing names of some accused looters with marital ties to the first and second families. Gimba Yau Kumo, a former PDP appointed managing director of the Federal Mortgage Bank and now son-in-law of President Buhari, who was similarly accused of fraudulent activities amounting to about N3 billion and reportedly being investigated by EFCC, is missing from Lai’s list. Also missing on that list is Bola Shagaya.

Arguably one of Africa’s richest women, with a reputation for close business and political ties to all first families in the past two decades, Bola Shagaya was exceptionally close to the Goodluck Jonathan family. Often described as a bosom friend of former first lady Patience Jonathan, she has been accused, in numerous instances, allegedly, of acting as Patience Jonathan’s front for the laundering of illicit money estimated at over N13 billion, while engaging in other fraudulent activities involved in state capture. All that may be in the past now as she has found her way back to reckoning with the marriage of her son, Seun Bakare to Damilola, the daughter of Vice President Yemi Osinbanjo. Little wonder then, Bola Shagaya’s name is not on Lai’s looters list.

In a clear display of the arrogance of ignorance, the Buhari administration has narrowed its war on corruption to the hounding of members of the Jonathan administration, other individuals and organisations that were known to have worked against the emergence of the President [Buhari] in the 2015 presidential elections. This is clearly evident in the selective nature of the current anti-corruption effort.

The tone of generalisation of the PDP as the problem of Nigeria, as an indicator of corruption, should make all members of PDP (both former and present) and their collaborators in other parties guilty, hence qualifying them for naming and shaming, while being liable for criminal prosecution.

Therefore, Buhari’s list of looters is devoid of integrity, because his selective war on corruption is indicative of corruption in itself. All that is required of a former PDP looter is to get baptised into APC and profess Buhari as the saviour of Nigeria. This is precisely responsible for the failure and ineffectiveness of the war on corruption. Nothing has changed as the current APC looters continue to loot Nigeria, while the redeemed former PDP looters continue to enjoy their loot in hibernation under the abundant grace of the infallible Buhari.

• Dahiru is based in Abuja 

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