On Friday, the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) announced its decision to uphold the suspension of Gabon, a punitive measure instituted in the aftermath of the military overthrow of President Ali Bongo Ondimba last August. The communiqué issued at the conclusion of a summit in Djibloho, Equatorial Guinea, stated that ECCAS, acknowledging the “peaceful and inclusive nature” of the Gabonese transition, opted to persist with the suspension until constitutional order is reinstated.
The summit, attended by representatives from Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Burundi, Central African Republic, Congo, Sao Tome and Principe, Chad, Cameroon, and Rwanda, deliberated on the matter. Aside from Gabon, which remains under suspension, ECCAS also includes the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
The removal of this sanction would have marked an initial stride towards international reintegration, nearly four months subsequent to the coup d’état that drew condemnation from Western capitals and led to Gabon’s suspension from the African Union.
The leader of the coup on August 30, General Brice Oligui Nguema, who garnered popularity among the majority of Gabonese for ending the 55-year “Bongo dynasty,” was declared transitional president by the military. He promptly committed to restoring power to civilians at the conclusion of a two-year transition period, with elections scheduled for August 2025.
Since assuming power, General Oligui has engaged with leaders of ECCAS member countries, with the exception of Angolan President João Lourenço. In Central Africa, a region characterized by enduring leadership tenures, there is a nuanced sentiment regarding the swift rehabilitation of a nation where the head of the Presidential Guard orchestrated the overthrow of one of their counterparts.
Leaders such as Equatorial Guinea’s Teodoro Obiang, Cameroon’s Paul Biya, Congo’s Denis Sassou Nguesso, and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame, who have held power for 44, over 41, 26, and 23 years respectively, may harbor reservations about endorsing the rapid reintegration of a country where the guarantor of their own stability—the head of the Presidential Guard—played a pivotal role in unseating a fellow leader.
The military coup on the night of August 30, following Ali Bongo Ondimba’s contested presidential election victory, led to widespread support from political parties and civil society organizations, framing it as a “liberation coup” rather than a coup d’état. Ali Bongo, who assumed office 14 years ago following the death of his father, was accused by the military putschists of presiding over grossly rigged elections, “irresponsible governance,” and a regime tainted by corruption within the president’s family circle and close associates.
The military contended that Ali Bongo had been effectively manipulated since suffering a stroke in 2018, particularly by his wife and one of his sons. Subsequently, the French-Gabonese wife of the deposed president, Sylvia Bongo Ondimba, and their son, Noureddin Bongo Valentin, faced arrests and charges, along with other relatives and former members of the Bongo couple’s cabinets, encompassing corruption, misappropriation of public funds, and forging the head of state’s signature.
While Ali Bongo, briefly placed under house arrest during the coup, was declared “free to move” and travel abroad, recent allegations from his family members suggest that General Oligui has impeded his freedom of movement and visitation rights.
